By Andrew Louth, Augustine Casiday
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Extra info for Byzantine Orthodoxies: Papers from the Thirty-sixth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, University of Durham, 23–25 March 2002
Harnack represented it, composed of two disparate parts. 74 It should be clear that the soteriology and the cosmology are closely linked: the Arians saw that the New Testament demanded a suffering' God, as their opponents failed to see. They were convinced that only a God whose divinity was somehow reduced must suffer. Hence the radical Arian doctrine of Christ, but hence also the Arian readiness to speak of God as suffering. We can see here the attraction of the Arian doctrine. But we can also see the high price which it had to pay in order to attain its ends.
39. 75S ee Kopecek, Neo·Arianism. 26-27. 2S (198). 3 (5)· 69VIl,12 I we are saved. 73 On the contrary. it could be said that their doctrine took redemption more seriously than did that of their opponents, because it made proper allowance for the scandal of the Cross, for what Paul called 'the weakness of God' (I Cor 1:22-:25), for the involvement of the Godhead in the sufferings of Jesus Christ. This was a point which their opponents unanimously and consistently played down. We can also see that the issues at stake in this dispute were not, as has often been suggested, simply issues raised by the exigencies of Greek philosophy.
Wolfson in his The Philosophy of the Christian Fathers suggested that Philo may have. been a former of Arius' thought. because he too taught two Logoi, and the creation of one of them ex nihilo, and the incomparability of God. But then, Wolfson was obsessed to an excessive degree with the influence of Philo on the fathers; Philo's Logos-doctrine is confused and obscure; he does not make the same division between the Logos and God as did the Arians. We cannot claim Philo as an ancestor of Arius' thought.